Have you ever wondered how we organise ourselves to follow a strand of political ideology? No; I hear you say. I didn’t think so but it is a question that needs to be considered. Looking back at my development, I have been negligent in giving the matter adequate thought.
I guess that ever since I accompanied Father to a political rally in Francavilla, circa 1954 I never explored the principles of politics. After that, the disparate itinerant lifestyle prevented me from looking past the disjointed family’s needs.
I relate to the contradiction of the belief that Mao Zedong was worthy of accolades based on senseless acceptance of schoolyard hearsay. Unfortunately, the minting of new political learning was to take a tortuous path through oblivious populist paradigms such as the “It’s Time” campaign that swept Gough Whitlam into power in 1972.
The appeal of an emerging acceptance of populist ideology meant suffering the indignant emptiness of “The Dismissal.” I would continue to cling to the belief that Jim Cairns was a victimised angel and Juni Morosi meant well to stand by him. And Tirath Khemlani should have been more prudent in making things happen with the loan attempt. What was wrong with him? Malcolm Frazer was an ugly opportunist.
Politics driving my interest was a simple matter of personalities, these were immutable, and there wasn’t room for reflection, of right and wrong. Frazer got what he deserved for engineering the demise of Gough Whitlam. But then I did not like Bob Hawke, partly, for not giving Hayden a run. I had settled on the perception of his duplicitous involvement in settling the Morwell coal dispute. Hawkie got his just deserves at the hands of the predatory Keating, the ‘greatest treasurer’ that never was.
Even though I had settled into voting for the Liberal-Nationals Coalition I did not like Johnny Howard, I had been partial to Andrew Peacock and John Hewson. I was dismal at picking winners. But still, I persevered with judging “books by their covers”.
Overall, for want of a coherent political viewpoint Edward C Banfield[1] would have classified me as an ‘amoral familyist.’ The choice I made was that I wanted to nurture a family without the encumbrances. Front of mind were the limitations that had been a feature of being immigrants. By then, I had accumulated a ‘street smartness’ quotient and directed this energy to create wealth. I wanted a family and together with my wife, Monika, we valued our independence from the need for social services support.
After the birth of Michael, Monika was a stay-at-home mum for the next ten years. We made do with my allocating my leave entitlements to work on the Simonetti orchard in Cobram. This enabled us to pay off the home mortgage and concentrate our endeavours on Michael’s, Adam’s and Damien’s education.
Family cohesion was not to be a smooth ride; something about the differences between a man and a woman. I was to find out the hard way that Henry Higgins[2] was right. It will take the input of the eccentric Dr Martin Vogel, “Mentor Extraordinaire” and a little marriage counselling to stabilise Catholic beliefs buried in the promise “till death do us part.” Politics was not a matter of external social choices. The pressing needs relating to nurturing, and the money supply fuelled the fires of discontent. We succeeded in the end.
If that was phase one it represented my status in political limbo. We had built on some successes. These allowed greater freedoms to look beyond the fray of everyday life. The political landscape bubbled about on how to balance the budget and divi up the GDP. The Liberals and Labourites were being challenged by evolving political ideologies. The Australian Democrats would try “to keep the bastards honest.” The bloody-mindedness of the Greens would not be satisfied unless economic activity regressed to pre-industrialisation.
My repertoire for news consumption was reasonably wide including The Age, ABC, SBS and later subscriptions to the newly installed cable service from Fox-Telstra. It came to pass that I noted an aberration in news distribution. Why was it, that the luminaries at the ABC enquire of the Greens about the Conservative policies? Strange indeed, I thought. Sarah Hanson-Young would be a regular critic on all political matters on the ABC. I concluded that the Greens’ platform was to depopulate the world to achieve their insane agenda. I never watched The ABC ever again.
The 1987 share market collapse put a dent in the aforesaid ‘street smartness’. I paid off my mistaken belief in invincibility by working at a second job, stacking supermarket shelves between 9.00 pm and 2.00 am. The effect was to refocus the mindset, I studied economics and was able to avoid the 2008 Global Financial Crisis.
Business interests gave me a reasonable perspective as to how to moderate my logic for economic matters. I knew of the demise of the clothing and footwear industries in the ‘80s and was tortured by the discussions about the subsidies to the car industry and that to pharma, known as the ‘Button Plan’.
Geopolitical events were being dominated by Iran’s sabre rattling, Russia’s forays in Africa, China’s entry into the WTO and its use of North Korea as a surrogate to destabilise the West. Were we being railroaded into another world war? If so what will be the catalyst? Ukraine sets the nuclear trigger option. Islam’s stealth in manipulating Democracy seems as crazy as China’s use of mercantilist techniques to engulf the Occident in the ‘scorched earth’ of their industries.
By that time, I had taken the position that “Free Trade” was unsustainable. The West could not survive if its industries were dismantled. Conceptually ‘Globalisation’ was entering the economic lexicon. I did not believe that “the invisible hand of the free market” would serve the best interests of blue-collar workers. Another term entered the lexicon: ‘rust belts’ to describe the effect on the industrial capabilities of Western Economies.
The 2016 US Presidential Elections surfaced amid otherwise past ambivalence of the four-year occurrence. My position was based on the need to avoid political dynasties becoming de facto monarchs. Case in point, the election of the Bush father-son progression. Hillary seemed OK but it also smacked of a dynasty after the “Bill ‘N Monica Lewinsky soap opera. But I secretly put my hope on Donald Trump. All I wanted was to have the US sort out Russia, Iran, China and its troublesome offspring.
It wasn’t to be. In the ensuing four years, In late 2018 I began my epic journey to discover my persona in the scheme of things on a global scale. Discoveries have a way of shaving away long-held beliefs. The effect is to make one feel irksome about accepting the inevitable conclusion that “a little knowledge is dangerous.” Gone is the idea of the USA’s unfettered benevolence. Gone is the idea that Capitalism is solely a force for good. Gone is the idea, that one’s side is perfect and the fault lies with the other side, or so it goes.
Clinging to Churchill’s resolution about Democracy is not aging well. The concentration of wealth through central banking manipulations has eroded the simple principle of, “one vote one value” which underwrites Democracy. Legislative power usually based on less than 50% of the votes is herding the silent majority to unpalatable outcomes. Laws being enacted are making Democracy look more like Communism. It would be so simple if we accept that we are created equal. We are not. Humans shall never be equal. Human commonality is an inherent conscience to lend a hand to those in need for the short term.
What to do about the insanity requires that we, the silent majority representing the middle class become much more active. Our combined accumulated wealth must find a voice to push back on the unelected Globalist Oligarchs’ agendas. We must avoid the creation of scarcity which is driving social engineering. We must be more informed about what happens when the proverbial “cane toads” are introduced to solve perceived social ills.
[1] The Moral Basis of a Backward Society, 1958,
[2] 1964 Film: My Fair Lady